Texas GOP Freshmen: Ignorance, Extremism, And Culture Wars

Legislation rooted in white supremacy, anti-science rhetoric, and far-right fantasies.

I’m still browsing through some of the legislation filed for the 89th Legislative Session. I was planning on doing another update this weekend or next week, but I came across HB1279 by newly elected Alan Schoolcraft (R-HD44). Y’all. We are still 61 days away from the start of the Legislative Session, and these Republicans are already acting a fool.

There are 26 incoming Republican freshmen in the Texas House. While we’ve talked about how ridiculous some of them are, we haven’t discussed the ideology it takes to get elected as a Republican in Texas in 2024. Schoolcraft’s bill, which we’ll get to, was one of the first filed by this new group, and I’m not even sure it’s the worst one.

Some of these new members are so far right that they’re making the far right of previous sessions look downright moderate. The GOP in Texas is doubling down on extremism, not governance. These folks didn’t just drink the Kool-Aid—they’ve got it running through their veins.

Schoolcraft’s bill(s).

HB1279, by Schoolcraft, seeks to regulate teaching in Texas public elementary and secondary schools by prohibiting instruction on certain “hateful, divisive, and discriminatory practices and beliefs.” However, when you read the bill, it becomes clear that the purpose of this bill is to reinforce white supremacy in schools by suppressing critical discussions about systemic racism, power dynamics, and historical accountability.

By targeting discussions of systemic inequities and marginalizing critical perspectives on race, identity, and power structures, the bill effectively seeks to sanitize history and maintain the status quo, which disproportionately benefits white, patriarchal systems of power.

Here are some of the key elements of this bill:

• Schools cannot teach that individuals are “inherently privileged or oppressed” due to their identity. This denies students the ability to examine how systemic privilege and oppression function in society, particularly how whiteness has historically conferred advantages in education, housing, employment, and the justice system.

• Students cannot be taught that individuals “bear responsibility for actions committed in the past by other individuals with the same personal identity characteristics.” This provision ignores the ongoing consequences of historical injustices like slavery, segregation, and redlining, which created systemic inequalities that persist today.

• Schools cannot teach in a way that causes students to feel “discomfort, guilt, anguish, or other psychological distress” because of their identity. This centers the emotional comfort of privileged students—most often white—over the reality of marginalized students who face systemic discrimination daily.

• Schools cannot teach that sociopolitical structures are “inherently a series of power relationships and struggles among racial groups.” This forbids examining how systems of power—like laws, policies, and cultural norms—are constructed to maintain racial hierarchies.

• The bill prohibits schools from teaching students that Meritocracy is inherently discriminatory. The myth of Meritocracy has been used to justify racial and gender disparities, implying that success or failure is solely based on individual effort while obscuring systemic oppression.

Schoolcraft’s bill is not just about silencing critical perspectives. It actively enforces a narrative that protects systemic inequities. By banning discussions of privilege, historical accountability, and systemic power dynamics, the bill shields white supremacy from critique and prevents students from understanding and addressing the root causes of inequality.

This is, by far, the most racist bill that has been filed so far.

If you were wondering, here is 72-year-old Alan Schoolcraft:

What makes Schoolcraft’s bill particularly appalling is the sheer audacity of its divisiveness. This is not about protecting students—it’s about silencing marginalized voices and reinforcing systemic inequities.

Then, there’s HB1280, also by Alan Schoolcraft, which outlaws discussions and programs within the Texas government that acknowledge systemic inequities. This bill would strip government agencies and institutions of their ability to address systemic bias or educate employees on equity and inclusion.

Schoolcraft’s bills are a dangerous escalation of CRT and DEI bans, embedding white supremacy into every facet of public education and governance. By targeting not just teaching but also training, hiring, and governance structures, these bills go beyond suppressing conversations about equity—they dismantle the tools and systems designed to address systemic discrimination.

Do we have a new villain in the Texas House? It appears so.

But don’t worry, he’ll be far from alone. Representative Caroline Harris Davila (R-HD52) filed HB1290, which bans children from eating cookies and bread/rolls on free or reduced school lunches.

Another freshman Republican, Andy Hopper (HD64), has started his legislative career by filing some eye-popping bills, particularly HB1304. This is a politically motivated bill aimed at regulating and labeling products associated with human fetal tissue. More specifically, “fetal line cells,” which are laboratory-grown cells that originated from a small amount of fetal tissue obtained from elective abortions performed decades ago. These cells have been cultured and multiplied in labs for many years, creating cell “lines” used in research and medical development. They are not the original fetal tissue but are descendants of those original cells.

Some vaccines for diseases like rubella, chickenpox, hepatitis A, and shingles were developed using fetal cell lines. Johnson & Johnson’s COVID-19 vaccines also used fetal cell lines in production, while Pfizer and Moderna used them in testing.

• The vaccines do not contain fetal tissue or cells. The fetal cell lines are used in the development and production processes, not as an ingredient in the final product.

• Fetal cell lines have been critical in developing life-saving vaccines that have eradicated or controlled deadly diseases like polio and measles.

It’s all political, from another Christian fundamentalist who doesn’t understand basic science. Hopper is an anti-vaxxer who probably thinks the flu shot causes Autism. Hopper also proposes a constitutional amendment allowing everyone in Texas to keep and bear arms without any regulation. Guns for children. Guns for criminals. Guns for the mentally ill.

Surprising? Not really. Here is Andy Hopper with his family and acquitted murderer, Kyle Rittenhouse.

Plus, we’ve got some conspiracy theorists filing bills based on QAnon propaganda.

Freshmen House member Mike Olcott (R-HD60) filed HB1281, a broad declaration rejecting the World Health Organization (WHO), the United Nations (UN), and the World Economic Forum (WEF) in the state of Texas.

The WHO, the UN, and the WEF already have no jurisdiction in Texas. This bill is completely rooted in conspiracy theories and unfounded fears about international organizations. Legally, it does absolutely nothing. But it does show us that Olcott is a conspiracy theorist who plans on not legislating in reality. Focusing on imaginary threats distracts from real challenges and undermines trust in institutions that promote global cooperation and progress.

It’s clear that the incoming Republican freshmen in the Texas House are not here to govern—they’re here to pander to the most extreme fringes of their base.

Instead of addressing real issues like fixing the state’s crumbling infrastructure, improving public education, or expanding healthcare access, these legislators are doubling down on culture wars, conspiracy theories, and performative politics.

Whether it’s Schoolcraft’s blatant whitewashing of history and suppression of equity initiatives, Hopper’s anti-science crusade, or Olcott’s QAnon-fueled fantasies, these bills make one thing abundantly clear: the GOP in Texas is more interested in dismantling progress than in solving problems.

The 89th Legislative Session hasn’t even started, but these freshmen have already shown us their priorities—and none of them involve making life better for Texans. If this is what we face now, just imagine what the next few months will bring. Buckle up, Texas. It’s going to be a bumpy ride.

• December 9: House Administration Committee meets to debate rules.

• January 14: The 89th Legislative Session begins.

• March 14: The last day Legislators can file bills.

• June 2: The 89th Legislative Session ends.

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