Day 14 - Funding the Grift: How Texas Bleeds Public Services Dry

A billion for private schools, pennies for public services.

Yesterday, the Senate Committee on Finance discussed more of the budget, the voucher scheme bill went through the Senate Committee on Education, and the Temper Tantrum Team acted up again. We’ll get into all that, but first, I wanted to mention that the filing period for the Texas Democratic Party (TDP) Chair race closed.

Here are the final candidates running for TDP Chair:

• Rev. Steve Miller

• Rabbi Misha ben-David

• Kendall Scudder

• Darceal Tobey

• Delia Parker-Mims

• Aaron Arguijo

• Patricia Olivares

• Patsy Woods Martin

• Meri Gomez

• Lillie Schechter

The SDEC will vote on the Chair on March 29. We’ll delve into the ten candidates soon.

The brainworm brigade strikes again.

The House gaveled in for a short while to read a few resolutions, and the far right used that moment to run to the back mic and cry about the House rules… again because throwing one fit this week wasn’t enough.

First, Brent Money (R-HD02) repeatedly asked Speaker Burrows about member’s budgets. Then he asked about the House research budget. Each time, Burrows rebuffed him, saying, “There is no business for the House.” Then Money asked, “How do you get business in front of the House?”

He wanted to bring up the rules again because this was their last opportunity to exclude the 62 Democrats from the process. It’s already a dead issue, but these reactionary Republicans can’t seem to let it go.

Then, David Lowe (R-HD91) took to the mic. He asked if it was usual for the House to waste this much time at the beginning of the session.

If David Lowe, an elected legislator, had ever taken the time to learn about the legislative process in Texas, he would have discovered that the Texas Constitution prohibits floor votes on bills during the first 60 days unless the governor declares the legislation an emergency item. This means there will be no floor votes until March 14.

Yes, the beginning of every legislative session is like this. And the last Republican to ask that question was expelled from the House for committing date rape on a teenage staffer.

Next, it was Brian Harrison’s (R-HD10) turn. He was mad that Democrats were allowed to be vice-chair under the rules. Harrison said he could think of a few more significant things than whether Democrats had limited power. Not the hungry kids of Texas, not the failing electric grid, or the skyrocketing taxes, but Harrison’s attention is squarely on hurting the minority.

Burrows was a broken record, “That business was not before the House.”

After that, David Lowe was back. He wanted to know if Speaker Burrows was an administrator or a politician. When Burrows didn’t give him the desired answer, he stomped away like a child.

The Karen Caucus just kept coming. Next up was Andy Hopper (R-HD64), who also discussed the rules and asked irrelevant questions.

I guess this is what they meant by “war.” We’ll just take turns asking stupid questions for ten minutes every day. Every single one of these men clipped their time at the back mic and posted it on Twitter, saying along the lines of, “Look, I’m standing up for you, the people of Texas, against the RINO, liberal, Democrat in disguise Dustin Burrows.”

It was utterly performative, and they only did it for the camera. The House gavels in again for a short time today, and then they won’t meet again until Tuesday.

Tune in tomorrow to find out.

Day 14 - Senate Committee on Education (voucher bill).

By far, the most annoying thing the Texas Senate does is at the beginning of each committee hearing. They all take turns making an opening statement. Since this was the first Education Committee hearing of the 89th Legislature, all of them had to give a long speech. I’m so happy to be on this committee. Thank you to the Lt. Governor for appointing me to this committee. I’m super enthusiastic about education. And so on. Yesterday, the opening speeches for the members took 45 minutes, and they all said the same things, except for Senator Brandon Creighton (R-SD04).

Creighton repeated the same drivel he said last session when they pushed the anti-DEI bill through. Around 200+ people testified against the bill during the anti-DEI hearing, while only four testified in favor.

At that time, Creighton talked about how unique Texas was because we let everyone have a voice and that they don’t have public testimony in DC. His premise was that even though the DEI ban was unpopular, it should pass anyway because that’s what his donors wanted. But hey, at least the opposition had two minutes to air their grievances. Creighton repeated the same sentiment during his intro yesterday.

Creighton has a slow but calculated style of speaking. He over-explains things in simple words, which I’m sure he uses to help people understand his points.

The voucher scheme, SB2, called the Texas Education Freedom Act, is an education savings account (ESA) bill that allows parents to use state funds for private school tuition, homeschooling expenses, and other educational costs.

SB2 appropriates $1 billion for 2026/27, but according to the fiscal note, it is supposed to balloon to $6 billion by 2028/29.

Under the $1 billion, $200 million should be open for all students and $800 million should be reserved for students with disabilities and low income. However, Creighton defined “low income” as up to 500% of the federal poverty level, which would be $156,000 for a family of four.

Many private school tuition rates exceed $10,000, leaving lower-income families unable to cover the remaining costs (e.g., uniforms, transportation, and books). Creighton said the school would rely on private philanthropy to fill this gap, but we all know what that means.

Students with 504 plans (e.g., dyslexia, anxiety, or other health conditions requiring accommodations) would be excluded from the ESA program. Private schools can also deny admission to students based on disabilities if they claim they cannot meet the child’s needs. Unlike public schools, private schools are not required to provide special education services. Students with disabilities who leave public schools for ESAs lose federal protections under IDEA.

Creighton established an audit process in his bill, but it would not be transparent to the public, as the results would only be reported to the comptroller.

Since the program is expected to triple costs within two legislative cycles, future expansions will divert more funding away from public education.

As it’s written, SB2 will undermine Texas’ public education system and disproportionately benefit families already in private schools.

There was some fantastic public testimony on the bill last night. Although I don’t have the clips up on YouTube yet, I will have them up later today, and I may have a follow-up article this weekend with some of the best of them.

Day 14 - Senate Finance Committee, Budget Hearings - Day Two.

Attorney General Ken “Corruption” Paxton was first in line for yesterday’s budget hearing. He was in character, ready to engage in shameless grandstanding, dodge accountability, and pledge his undying love for Donald Trump.

Paxton said his office is litigating 32,000 cases. Despite the massive caseload, he didn’t show how many of these lawsuits are successful or beneficial to taxpayers. However, he also claimed that his office has recovered $4.4 billion over the last four years.

There were also a few controversies, like the Meta settlement, in which his office secured a $1.4 billion settlement against Meta for misusing biometric data. Outside counsel took a 10.2% cut, or approximately $142 million. There was zero transparency in this arrangement.

Despite the settlement, the outside lawyers have not been paid yet, and the state is potentially accruing interest on the unpaid amount. Paxton and Senator Joan Huffman (R-HD17) debated whether the state owned the interest on this debt. Paxton said we did, and Huffman said we didn’t. If interest applies, Texas taxpayers could be on the hook for millions due to the delay.

Then, Paxton repeatedly blamed the Legislative Budget Board (LBB) for a $38 million budget cut. Senator Huffman called him out, clarifying that his office proposed the swap that led to the cut. Paxton claims the LBB cut child support enforcement, Medicaid fraud investigations, and crime victim services.

The AG requested a 6% salary increase for OAG staff in 2026 and 2027. He justified this by saying they are losing attorneys to Washington, DC, which offers higher salaries.

He also requested more money for criminal investigations, Medicaid fraud, and case management technology. He cites an increasing workload but doesn’t specify how past allocations were used.

It also appears that the AG’s office botched a major Medicaid fraud case. Paxton Paxton blamed his former staff. His own lawyers allegedly removed key legal claims, weakening the case and resulting in a loss. Paxton downplayed the failure but appeared rattled when pressed.

The bottom line is Paxton’s testimony focused more on complaints about budget cuts than detailed funding requests. The biggest claim was that the LBB “mistakenly” cut $38 million, but Senator Huffman disputed that, saying Paxton’s office caused the issue. His request for a 6% salary increase is notable, as it suggests the OAG struggles to retain attorneys.

Next up was the Department of Public Safety (DPS).

This is where the border funding came in. The Republican Senators acknowledged that Trump was supposed to be taking over the border but still wanted to spend more money because they said it would help the transition to the federal government… even though Trump had already sent the military down there.

The $6.5 billion SB1 pledged to border operations is their highest amount yet. The DPS portion is $2.5 million weekly for overtime, travel, and fuel. Currently, 4,200 National Guard troops are deployed. Texas has spent $11 billion on Operation Lone Star and is seeking federal reimbursement.

Border crossings decreased (from 3,500–4,000 per day to fewer than 300 recently). So, basically, Texas taxpayers need to fund 14 National Guards for every one migrant that crosses the border. Does that seem excessive?

DPS has identified 114,000 migrants arrested for state crimes in the last four years. At $11 billion, Texas taxpayers spend about $96,000 for every arrest—90% of which are misdemeanor trespassing.

Because DPS is underpaid and understaffed, most officers average 70+ hours of overtime per month. DPS seems to like this model because it’s the only way for them to make a living wage. The DPS director worried about turnover and retention rates as federal troops step in to handle the border; he said that without the overtime pay, they would lose troopers if salaries weren’t adjusted.

DPS is struggling with recruitment. Troopers have been leaving Texas for other states due to better support and pay. The DPS director says offering troopers a $5,000 sign-on bonus has helped some.

Texas taxpayers also spent $500 million for a new DPS training facility in Williamson County. Construction started last year and will be completed in 2027. We also pay $9,000 per every DPS vehicle to have bullet-proof windshields. DPS has asked for the funding to hire 500 more troopers.

DPS’s driver’s license system is a massive failure. The call center receives 22,000 calls daily, but only 71 reps can answer about 9% of those calls. The company doesn’t pay these reps well, so it has a 25% turnover rate.

DPS requests significant funding for personnel, border operations, equipment, and crime labs.

The Texas Department of Criminal Justice (TDCJ).

The first thing I wanted to know about this agency was what they were doing about the lack of air conditioning in prisons. Inmates with heat-related vulnerabilities are placed in air-conditioned housing. Once current projects are completed, around 62,000 beds will be under air conditioning. Additional funding in the base budget will extend air conditioning to 11,000–14,000 more beds, bringing the total to about 75,000 air-conditioned beds, leaving about 45% of Texas prisons without air conditioning.

Managed healthcare costs have been growing as a portion of the overall budget, accounting for nearly a quarter of TDCJ’s funding. An audit found that contracts with UTMB and Texas Tech lacked safeguards to control costs, placing all financial risk on TDCJ.

Even after pay raises, staffing remains problematic, particularly in rural areas. The agency is losing employees to other state agencies due to non-competitive administrative salaries. The state is spending $1 million annually on hotels to fill vacancies.

The number of inmates with mental health needs has increased by 50% over the past decade. Many prisons rely on outdated phone systems and IT infrastructure, leading to inefficiencies.

While the state has made significant investments in prison operations, ongoing staffing struggles, healthcare costs, and facility limitations pose long-term financial challenges.

Then came the Texas Military Department (TMD).

TMD requested over $290 million in exceptional items, including significant facility upgrades, recruitment incentives, and disaster response infrastructure needs. However, Operation Lone Star’s $1 billion+ cost remains the department’s biggest financial strain. Legislators are exploring ways to shift these costs to the federal government while ensuring that Texas maintains a strong military presence.

Operation Lone Star costs Texas over $1 billion annually, which drains resources from other military needs. Troops are under Governor Abbott’s command, meaning the state must pay their salaries, housing, and benefits. National Guard soldiers serving under state active duty do not receive federal pension credit or state retirement benefits, which leads to employment dissatisfaction.

Many armories are over 55 years old and deteriorate with leaky roofs and crumbling walls. Without additional funds, facility deterioration will worsen, increasing future repair costs.

Here are the YouTube links to some of the other testimonies, each talking about how their departments are starving and how they can’t hold on to staff due to low pay:

• Texas Commission On Law Enforcement

• Texas Alchohol and Beverage Commission

• Juvenile Justice Department

The budget hearings painted a bleak picture of Texas’ priorities.

While the state pours billions into border security theatrics and a voucher scheme designed to defund public education, essential services are scrambling for scraps. Agencies responsible for law enforcement, prison management, and public safety are struggling with staffing shortages, outdated infrastructure, and unsustainable workloads.

Ken Paxton continues to run his office like a personal fiefdom, using taxpayer dollars to pursue political lawsuits while failing to explain fundamental budget decisions. Despite its bloated budget, DPS barely functions in key areas like driver’s license services. TDCJ still can’t provide humane living conditions in prisons, and Abbott's border stunt is draining the Texas Military Department while its core infrastructure crumbles.

Meanwhile, the voucher scheme remains a handout to private schools and wealthier families, with little oversight and massive long-term costs. Creighton’s empty assurances about philanthropy covering the gaps are laughable, especially in a state that has already gutted public school funding and refuses to raise teacher pay.

If this session has made one thing clear, Texas Republicans have plenty of money to spend. They just don’t want to spend it on you.

Tomorrow, we’ll dig into more public testimony and how lawmakers justify these budget decisions. Stay tuned.

• January 31: Left In Texas Podcast - Representative Christina Morales

• February 2: Senate Finance Committee - Article III (Education and voucher scheme funding)

• March 14: The last day Legislators can file bills.

• June 2: The 89th Legislative Session ends.

• Click here to find out what Legislative districts you’re in.

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